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<text id=89TT1031>
<title>
Apr. 17, 1989: A Case Of Wright And Wrong
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
Apr. 17, 1989 Alaska
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
NATION, Page 25
A Case of Wright and Wrong
</hdr><body>
<p>Despite alleged wrongdoing, the Speaker is likely to survive
</p>
<p> Ethics is all the rage in Washington these days, as Speaker
of the House Jim Wright can testify. This week the House Ethics
Committee will release a 450-page report summing up a ten-month
investigation of Wright's alleged wrongdoing. A vocal minority
of Republicans, led by G.O.P. whip Newt Gingrich, predict that
the inquiry will result in Wright's censure, removal as Speaker
or maybe even expulsion. But in the end he is likely to hang on
to his job because this is an argument not about right and
wrong but about the peculiar ethics rules of the House.
</p>
<p> Those rules tolerate large swaths of gray and encourage
euphemism. Bribes, graft and expenses-paid vacations are never
talked about on Capitol Hill. Honorariums, campaign
contributions and per diem travel reimbursements are. Cash
gifts, even of $100,000, are not automatically illegal, as long
as they are disclosed and the giver has no direct interest in
legislation. Neither is free use of posh apartments and
expensive cars.
</p>
<p> The Wright investigation began last June when Republicans,
stung by the improprieties of Mike Deaver and Ed Meese, set out
to make sleaze a bipartisan issue. As the highest-ranking
Democrat, Wright, whose slicked-back hair, caterpillar eyebrows
and leering grin give him the look of a wheeler-dealer, was a
good target. After revelations of an unusual deal in which a
Texas publisher paid Wright 55% royalties -- three or four
times the usual rate -- for a collection of the Speaker's
speeches and anecdotes, Common Cause and 72 Republicans asked
the House Ethics Committee to investigate.
</p>
<p> The $1.5 million probe unearthed numerous allegations, many
of which have been discarded. The committee found that Wright's
heavy-handed intervention with federal officials on behalf of
failing Texas savings and loan associations was no more than
what other Texas Congressmen were doing. His intercession with
Government officials and Egypt's Anwar Sadat to help a Texas
oil-and-gas company was also found to be all in a day's work for
the average member.
</p>
<p> That leaves the committee to decide on two questions that
are, at the least, embarrassing to the Speaker. One is whether
Wright's financial dealings with Fort Worth developer George
Mallick violated House rules. The other is whether Wright's
sweetheart royalty deal was designed to get around
congressional limits on outside income.
</p>
<p> Mallick, who has known the Speaker for some 30 years, hired
Wright's wife Betty in 1979 as an adviser. The job description
was hazy, but the salary was $18,000 a year. Perks included a
rent-free apartment and a Cadillac. In 1981, for the same
salary and benefits, Betty Wright went to work for Mallightco,
an investment company that the Wrights had formed with Mallick
and his wife. Betty Wright also borrowed $75,000 from
Mallightco. After she stopped working for the company in 1984,
the Wrights paid $21.67 per diem for the apartment when they
used it and then purchased it in 1988 for $58,500. Eventually
they bought the Cadillac.
</p>
<p> In 1985 Mallick co-signed $2.2 million loan for a real
estate project developed by his two sons. In 1986, when Mallick
feared the loan might be foreclosed, he organized a meeting in
Fort Worth at which struggling thrift officials complained to
Wright about overzealous federal regulation; he later gave the
Speaker a report on their complaints. During this period Wright
was deeply involved in efforts to draft legislation that would
help ailing S & Ls and grant them more leniency from federal
regulators.
</p>
<p> Then there is Reflections of a Public Man, the most
notorious non-best seller of 1984. Critics charge that the
unusually high 55% royalty payments could have been used to
thwart rules that would keep the Speaker from accepting more
than $34,500 in speaking fees annually. At least three times,
staff members -- once with the Speaker's knowledge -- asked the
sponsors of Wright speeches not to pay an honorarium but buy an
equivalent number of books instead. By so doing, the speaker
could pocket the proceeds without breaching the limit.
</p>
<p> Although Republicans once smelled blood, it now looks as if
Wright will survive. Wright's financial ties to Mallick seem to
have ended before he began his campaign on behalf of Texas
thrifts. Wright has no investments in S & Ls. Besides, the
highly partisan attacks by Wright's archenemy Newt Gingrich
have aroused the Democrats' protective instincts. Democrats
with ambition to succeed Wright, like Dan Rostenkowski and John
Dingell, have not deserted him, nor has Majority Leader Tom
Foley, probably the only Democrat popular enough to win his
spot. No matter how unseemly Wright's dealings may appear to
ordinary citizens, they are probably not unseemly enough to
violate the shabby standards that apply on Capitol Hill.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>